
When Kenya signed a $2.5 billion health cooperation agreement with Washington this month, officials framed it as a vote of confidence. A new funding model. Direct government-to-government support. Fewer intermediaries. More control.
Within days, the courts intervened.
A High Court order has now frozen implementation of the agreement where it enables the transfer, sharing, or dissemination of medical, epidemiological, or sensitive personal health data. The suspension followed challenges from a Kenyan senator and the Consumer Federation of Kenya, both arguing that the deal crossed constitutional and statutory lines on privacy and public participation.
The case has turned what Nairobi presented as a technical funding framework into a test of how far African governments can go in trading access to data for development finance, and who sets the terms when health systems become digital infrastructure.
A New Aid Model With Old Power Dynamics
The agreement sits under the Trump administration’s America First Global Health Strategy, which dismantled large parts of USAID’s role in Africa and replaced it with bilateral arrangements negotiated directly with governments.
Kenya was the first to sign. Rwanda, Uganda, Liberia, Lesotho, and Eswatini followed.
On paper, the model emphasizes country ownership and sustainability. In practice, critics argue it locks African health systems into long-term obligations that outlast political administrations and legal frameworks.
The most contested provisions allow the United States access to Kenyan health management systems, surveillance platforms, and electronic medical records. Data and pathogen information could be shared for up to 25 years, including for a decade after any agreement is terminated.
That duration matters. Digital health systems evolve. Laws change. Governments turn over. Yet the access persists.
Data Access Without Local Law Anchors
One of the core legal objections raised in court and by civil society groups is that the data-sharing instruments referenced in the agreement are governed solely by US law, with no explicit requirement to conform to Kenyan statutes.
Kenya has a Data Protection Act. It has constitutional protections around privacy. The concern is not abstract. It is procedural and structural.
Granting direct access to national databases goes far beyond reporting requirements tied to donor oversight. It creates a scenario where sensitive personal data, including HIV status, TB treatment history, and vaccination records, could be exposed to external systems without clear limits, safeguards, or enforceable remedies under local law.
The court’s interim order reflects this tension. It does not block the entire agreement. It blocks the data pipeline.
Pathogens, Patents, and the Memory of Covid
Beyond personal data, the agreement framework includes specimen and pathogen sharing provisions that have raised alarms across the continent.
Under draft terms circulated among African governments, partner states would be required to provide pathogen samples and sequencing data within days of a US request. The US would retain the right to share that data onward for the development of medical countermeasures.
What is missing is reciprocity.
There is no binding guarantee of access to resulting vaccines, diagnostics, or therapeutics. No requirement for technology transfer. No provision for regional manufacturing.
African health advocates point to Covid-19 as precedent, not theory. South Africa shared data on the Omicron variant early. Vaccine access did not follow at the same speed. Manufacturing capacity remained locked behind intellectual property barriers.
The fear is repetition, this time codified in bilateral agreements rather than improvised during a crisis.
Government Pushback and Political Fractures
President William Ruto has dismissed criticism from non-governmental organizations, accusing them of spreading misinformation and defending the decision to accept US funding directly.
His argument is political as much as administrative. NGOs, he says, failed to deliver. Governments should control the money. Kenya’s institutions, he insists, are capable of negotiating in the national interest.
Yet the legal challenge suggests a different fracture line. This is not only about NGOs losing influence. It is about whether the executive can commit the country to long-term data obligations without public participation or parliamentary scrutiny.
Opposition MP Caleb Amisi has called the agreement unconstitutional. Civil society groups have warned that it risks ceding strategic control over health infrastructure in ways that are difficult to unwind.
Why Other African States Are Watching Closely
Kenya’s case is already echoing beyond its borders.
Several African governments signed similar agreements quietly, on compressed timelines, with limited public debate. The Kenyan court’s intervention changes the calculus. It demonstrates that these deals are not immune to domestic law, even when framed as development assistance.
A coalition of African and global health organizations has now urged heads of state to demand fairer terms, aligned with national laws and regional positions at the World Health Organization, particularly on pathogen access and benefit sharing.
The concern is fragmentation. Bilateral agreements negotiated in isolation can undermine collective bargaining positions built over years in multilateral forums.
The Question Kenya Has Forced Into the Open
This dispute is not about rejecting foreign assistance. It is about the cost embedded in the architecture of that assistance when health systems become data systems.
Who controls access. For how long. Under which laws. With what guarantees.
Kenya’s courts have paused one agreement. They have not resolved the broader issue. That question now sits with other African capitals that signed similar documents, and with those still negotiating.
The deals are already on the table. What Kenya has done is make the terms visible.
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