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Big brother is watching you: NSA recording every phone call being made in Kenya, Bahamas and Mexico


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Kenya is among the countries whose phonecalls are being intercepted, recorded and archived by The National Security Agency (NSA).

The National Security Agency is also intercepting, recording, and archiving the audio of virtually every cell phone conversation on the island nation of the Bahamas, the Philipines and also Mexico.

A news website The Intercept reports according to some documents leaked by NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden, the surveillance is part of a top-secret system ā€“Ā code-named SOMALGET ā€“that was implemented without the knowledge or consent of the Bahamian government. Instead, the agency appears to have used access legally obtained in cooperation with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration to open a backdoor to the countryā€™s cellular telephone network, enabling it to covertly record and store the ā€œfull-take audioā€ of every mobile call made to, from and within the Bahamas and to replay those calls for up to a month.

SOMALGET is part of a broader NSA program called MYSTIC, which The Intercept has learned is being used to secretly monitor the telecommunications systems of the Bahamas and several other countries, including Mexico, the Philippines, and Kenya. But while MYSTIC scrapes mobile networks for so-called ā€œmetadataā€ ā€“Ā information that reveals the time, source, and destination of calls ā€“Ā SOMALGET is a cutting-edge tool that enables the NSA to vacuum up and store the actual content of every conversation in an entire country.

All told, the NSA is using MYSTIC to gather personal data on mobile calls placed in countries with a combined population of more than 250 million people. And according to classified documents, the agency is seeking funding to export the sweeping surveillance capability elsewhere.

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The program raises profound questions about the nature and extent of American surveillance abroad. The U.S. intelligence community routinely justifies its massive spying efforts by citing the threats to national security posed by global terrorism and unpredictable rival nations like Russia and Iran. But the NSA documents indicate that SOMALGET has been deployed in the Bahamas to locate ā€œinternational narcotics traffickers and special-interest alien smugglersā€ ā€“Ā traditional law-enforcement concerns, but a far cry from derailing terror plots or intercepting weapons of mass destruction.

ā€œThe Bahamas is a stable democracy that shares democratic principles, personal freedoms, and rule of law with the United States,ā€ the State Department concluded in a crime and safety report published last year. ā€œThere is little to no threat facing Americans from domestic (Bahamian) terrorism, war, or civil unrest.ā€

By targeting the Bahamasā€™ entire mobile network, the NSA is intentionally collecting and retaining intelligence on millions of people who have not been accused of any crime or terrorist activity. Nearly five million Americans visit the country each year, and many prominent U.S. citizens keep homes there, including Sen. Tom Harkin (D-Iowa), Bill Gates, and Oprah Winfrey.

In addition, the program is a serious ā€“Ā and perhaps illegal ā€“Ā abuse of the access to international phone networks that other countries willingly grant the United States for legitimate law-enforcement surveillance. If the NSA is using the Drug Enforcement Administrationā€™s relationship to the Bahamas as a cover for secretly recording the entire countryā€™s mobile phone calls, it could imperil the longstanding tradition of international law enforcement cooperation that the United States enjoys with its allies.

ā€œItā€™s surprising, the short-sightedness of the government,ā€ says Michael German, a fellow at New York Universityā€™s Brennan Center for Justice who spent 16 years as an FBI agent conducting undercover investigations. ā€œThat they couldnā€™t see how exploiting a lawful mechanism to such a degree that you might lose that justifiable access ā€“Ā thatā€™s where the intelligence community is acting in a way that harms its long-term interests, and clearly the long-term national security interests of the United States.ā€

The NSA refused to comment on the program, but said in a statement that ā€œthe implication that NSAā€™s foreign intelligence collection is arbitrary and unconstrained is false.ā€ The agency also insisted that it follows procedures to ā€œprotect the privacy of U.S. personsā€ whose communications are ā€œincidentally collected.ā€

In March, The Washington Post revealed that the NSA had developed the capability to record and store an entire nationā€™s phone traffic for 30 days. The Post reported that theĀ  capacity was a feature of MYSTIC, which it described as a ā€œvoice interception programā€ that is fully operational in one country and proposed for activation in six others. (The Post also referred to NSA documents suggesting that MYSTIC was pulling metadata in some of those countries.) Citing government requests, the paper declined to name any of those countries.

The Intercept has confirmed that as of 2013, the NSA was actively using MYSTIC to gather cell-phone metadata in five countries, and was intercepting voice data in two of them. Documents show that the NSA has been generating intelligence reports from MYSTIC surveillance in the Bahamas, Mexico, Kenya, the Philippines, and one other country, which The Intercept is not naming in response to specific, credible concerns that doing so could lead to increased violence. The more expansive full-take recording capability has been deployed in both the Bahamas and the unnamed country.

MYSTIC was established in 2009 by the NSAā€™s Special Source Operations division, which works with corporate partners to conduct surveillance. Documents in the Snowden archive describe it as a ā€œprogram for embedded collection systems overtly installed on target networks, predominantly for the collection and processing of wireless/mobile communications networks.ā€

According to one NSA document, SOMALGET is ā€œdeployed against entire networksā€ in the Bahamas and the second country, and processes ā€œover 100 million call events per day.ā€

SOMALGETā€™s capabilities are further detailed in a May 2012 memo written by an official in the NSAā€™s International Crime and Narcotics division. The memo hails the ā€œgreat successā€ the NSAā€™s drugs and crime unit has enjoyed through its use of the program, and boasts about how ā€œbeneficialā€ the collection and recording of every phone call in a given nation can be to intelligence analysts.

Rather than simply making ā€œtentative analytic conclusions derived from metadata,ā€ the memo notes, analysts can follow up on hunches by going back in time and listening to phone calls recorded during the previous month. Such ā€œretrospective retrievalā€ means that analysts can figure out what targets were saying even when the calls occurred before the targets were identified. ā€œ[W]e buffer certain calls that MAY be of foreign intelligence value for a sufficient period to permit a well-informed decision on whether to retrieve and return specific audio content,ā€ the NSA official reported.

One NSA document spells out that ā€œthe overt purposeā€ given for accessing foreign telecommunications systems is ā€œfor legitimate commercial service for the Telcoā€™s themselves.ā€ But the same document adds: ā€œOur covert mission is the provision of SIGINT,ā€ or signals intelligence.

The classified 2013 intelligence budget also describes MYSTIC as using ā€œpartner-enabledā€ access to both cellular and landline phone networks. The goal of the access, the budget says, is to ā€œprovide comprehensive metadata access and content against targeted communicationsā€ in the Caribbean, Mexico, Kenya, the Philippines, and the unnamed country. The budget adds that in the Bahamas, Mexico, and the Philippines. The budget adds that in the Bahamas, Mexico, and the Philippines, MYSTIC requires ā€œcontracted servicesā€ for its ā€œoperational sustainment.ā€

In Kenya, the U.S. works closely with local security forces in combating the militant fundamentalist group Al-Shabab, based in neighboring Somalia. In the Philippines, the U.S. continues to support a bloody shadow war against Islamist extremists launched by the Bush administration in 2002. Last month, President Barack Obama visited Manila to sign a military pact guaranteeing that U.S. operations in Southeast Asia will continue and expand for at least another decade.

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